[(essay date 2001) In the following essay, Neumann evaluates the extent to which the Brothers Grimm "faithfully" preserved folk tales in keeping with the Germanic oral tradition, stating that, "storytellers of an impulsive or imaginative nature ... break away from the original and endow the Grimms' tales with innovations in content and a different linguistic guise."]
The names of Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm inevitably evoke thoughts of Grimms' Fairy Tales. In the form given them by Wilhelm in the last edition he produced in 1857, the Kinder- und Hausmärchen have been printed so often and become so widely known that this book constitutes in public consciousness the ultimate achievement linked with the name Grimm. In fact, none of their works occupied the brothers--at least Wilhelm--over so long a period as the collecting, editing, and annotating of the fairy tales. Spanning almost fifty years, this work represents in terms of duration alone the "work of a lifetime." And, indeed, fairy tale research seems to be the one area of their work in which the Grimms not only achieved the strongest resonance, but also in which they determined with particular clarity the course of future research.1 So in essence the Kinder- und Hausmärchen are still the standard source work on which our knowledge of the German folktale is based;2 and even in the folkloric research of other countries one can still find today traces of the Grimms' influence.3
Assessments of the Brothers Grimm as collectors and students of the fairy tale, however, run the risk of focusing on the final form of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen and its success. In doing so, one all too easily overlooks the fact that the collection represents basically an early work. When Jacob and Wilhelm began to devote themselves intensively to German folk literature in 1805, they were not yet scholars but only twenty-year-old university students who were reacting to newly experienced stimuli. Their teacher in Marburg, the legal historian Friedrich Karl von Savigny, had awakened their inclination for historical studies and steered their interest towards "Old Germanic" literature. And Clemens Brentano, one of the leaders of the Heidelberg Romantic circle, had won the brothers over and enlisted them in his search for surviving forms of traditional folk poetry, which he planned to publish.4
There were certainly models for these efforts, such as Johann Karl August Musäus--however problematic his Volksmährchen der Deutschen (1782-86) appeared even to his contemporaries. And above all there was the example of Johann Gottfried Herder, whose high assessment of the song (Lied) and fairy tale as the poetry of the folk was echoed by the Romantic movement.5 This echo is especially evident in Clemens Brentano and Achim von Arnim's folk song collection Des Knaben Wunderhorn (1806-08), to which the Brothers Grimm themselves had already contributed.
A corresponding fairy-tale collection was supposed to follow Des Knaben Wunderhorn, and the fairy-tale narratives that the Grimms excerpted from old books or transcribed from friends in the Wild and Hassenpflug families in Kassel during and after 1807 were intended solely for Brentano's projected publication. But already in a letter to Arnim on 19 October 1807, Brentano writes that he had found the brothers "after two years of long, diligent and very rigorous study, so erudite and so rich in notes, experiences, and the most varied perspectives regarding all romantic poetry" that he was "shocked" "at their modesty concerning the treasures" they possessed. They were working, he writes, "in order one day to write a proper history of German poetry" (Steig, Achim von Arnim und Clemens Brentano 224). Nonetheless in 1810 the Grimms sent Brentano their fairy-tale notes upon his request--but not, of course, without first having their own copies made. And in 1811, when Brentano still had made no arrangements for his projected fairy-tale book, they conceived the plan of preparing their own, for which the copies would serve as a starting point.
At this time, under the influence of Napoleon's foreign rule, the Brothers Grimm not only sought "in the history of German literature and language consolation and refreshment ... from the enemy's high spirits," as Jacob formulated it retrospectively in 1841 (Kleinere Schriften 546); they also felt that by collecting and publishing surviving forms of "Old Germanic" literature and folk poetry they were fostering national self-reflection. Like Herder, from whom the Romantic movement borrowed the concept of natural poetry (Naturpoesie), the Grimms also saw in folk poetry--in the songs, fairy tales, and legends of the common people--the original source of poetry and the echo of ancient literature. And in this context they understood "folk poetry" largely in an ethnic sense--as the poetry of Germans, Poles, and so on (Geschichte der deutschen Volksdichtung 91). At the same time the Grimms viewed fairy tales as belonging "to those poetic works whose content had most purely and powerfully preserved the essence of early epic poetry" (Ginschel 250). As Wilhelm emphasized already in 1811: "These fairy tales deserve better attention than they have so far received, not only because of their poetry, which has its own loveliness and gives to everyone who heard them as a child a golden moral and a happy memory for life; but also because they belong to our national poetry, since it can be shown that they have lived throughout several centuries among the folk" (Altdänische Heidenlieder xxvi-xxvii). And writing of the fairy-tale book he had prepared in collaboration with Wilhelm, Jacob observed: "I would not have found any pleasure in working on it if I were not of the belief that it could become to the most serious and oldest people, as well as to me, important for poetry, mythology, and history."6 And in 1860 he emphasized explicitly that he had "immediately recognized the value of these traditional forms for mythology" and had therefore "insisted vigorously on the faithfulness of the collection and rejected embellishments."7
But what about this "faithfulness"? The fairy-tale manuscripts originally intended for Brentano, which were preserved among his unpublished papers, range from mere notes to relatively complete texts. And these exhibit certain individual differences. Fairy tales in the original manuscript taken down by Jacob are in most cases texts characterized by concise language and which in part only outline a tale's subject. Wilhelm's transcriptions, on the other hand, constitute tales with a more polished content and smoother narration. But for publication even these had to be shaped and polished as narratives. To what extent this was or was not also true of the subsequent sketches specifically intended for their own book of fairy tales we do not know, because these manuscripts were not preserved. However, the revision of the original manuscript for the first edition reveals that the Grimms, who were novices at such literary activity, largely followed their models, so that hardly any stylistic differences are discernible between texts edited by Jacob and Wilhelm (Rölleke; Ginschel 222-24). When the preface to the first volume of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen in 1812 states that "no details have been added or embellished or changed" (XVIII; trans. in Tatar 210), that applies only to the content, but not to the linguistic appearance of the printed fairy-tale texts.
Nevertheless, the brothers were in fact intent upon tales issuing genuinely from the oral folk tradition and considered it important that such tales be recorded in their own right. Consequently, they often provided the same tale type in two or three versions, sometimes even under the same heading, as with Nos. 20, 32, and 36. This alleged faithfulness to the sources (even if they were only limitedly accessible) constitutes for the brothers a primary scientific concern, as suggested in the quoted statements from Jacob. This is corroborated as well by the following facts: (1) the Grimms preferred stories from oral sources to texts with a literary character (so that part of their literary excerpts in the original manuscript were not printed along with the other pieces); (2) besides the most diverse kinds of fairy tales and comical tales (Schwänke), the brothers also included in their edition legends, tall tales, and horror stories, among which were thematically uninteresting or poorly told pieces;8 (3) the Grimms gave their book a programmatic preface and scholarly notes. At the same time, the Kinder- und Hausmärchen were naturally supposed to make these stories available to wider circles, as indicated already by the title. And here pedagogical factors played a role, for the book was supposed to become a "manual of education"--"ein eigentliches Erziehungsbuch" (Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1812 und 1815 2: VIII). But because of the problematic content and awkward narrative style of certain texts, as critics noted, such an effect was apparently not possible. As a consequence the nine hundred copies of the first volume seemed for some years to be almost unmarketable.9
On the basis of the criticism their book received, against which the Grimms defended themselves and which they privately had to acknowledge, they apparently imposed a different standard for the selection and revision of tales for the projected second volume. This standard was defined by two widely praised tales from the first volume that had come from Philipp Otto Runge: "The Fisherman and His Wife" (No. 19) and "The Juniper Tree" (No. 47). With these texts as their models, the Grimms themselves developed an ideal fairy-tale form that in the end could be produced only by talented storytellers or retellers and could find its counterpart only in artistically shaped texts. They found both in the intellectually active bourgeois and aristocratic circles in which they moved. Particularly in enlisting the aristocratic Haxthausen family of Westphalia as tale collectors and informants, and in discovering the Märchenfrau Dorothea Viehmann from Niederzwehren near Kassel, the Grimms became the beneficiaries of a string of aesthetically pleasing fairy tales. Moreover, the tales in Westphalian dialect and those of Viehmann appear to be directly transcribed from the oral narration. That the tales in the second volume of 1815 (with thirty-three of seventy texts from the Haxthausen family and fifteen from Viehmann) were as a rule better told than those in the first volume was very substantially related to the greater storytelling talent of the new sources. But Wilhelm, who for the most part attended to the editing of the newly collected material, seems to have also exercised a stronger editorial hand wherever his experience with the first volume suggested it might be necessary. "You have," wrote Arnim to Wilhelm after receiving the second volume on 10 February 1815, "genially collected, and have sometimes right genially helped, which of course you don't mention to Jacob; but you should have done it even more often" (Steig, Achim von Arnim und Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm 319). The preface and notes demonstrate that the Grimms adhered to the scientific intentions they had applied to the first volume, but this time the emphasis lay visibly on the presentation of a more appealing text, which was aimed at larger groups of readers. Nonetheless, the second volume sold as poorly as the first (Schoof 27; Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1819 2: 541-43).
Therefore, in the course of being prepared for the second edition of 1819, Grimms' collection underwent an extensive revision. Twenty-seven of the texts contained in the first volume and seven of those in the second were deleted, either because they no longer met the aesthetic demands of the Grimms or because they were otherwise questionable (e.g., due to their cruelty). Eighteen texts of the first edition were merged with newly collected variants of specific tales or so substantially changed by other thematic or formal revisions that virtually new texts resulted. And forty-five texts, revised in varying degrees, were incorporated as new texts in the collection, which now grew to 170 tales.10 Thus resulted almost by half a new book of fairy tales; and in it Wilhelm Grimm's poetically atuned stylizing--his unique fairy-tale voice--became distinct for the first time. Consistent with this development, the heavily expanded annotations were relegated in 1822 to their own separate volume, which addressed itself especially to readers with a specialized scholarly interest (Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1819 2: 548, 556-64).
But popular success came first in 1825 with the Small Edition of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen, which was conceived primarily for children and included fifty selected texts and seven engravings. This edition smoothed the way for the reception of the large edition, which Wilhelm sought continuously with every new edition to enrich through the addition of new or better fairy-tale texts. Up until the seventh and final edition of 1857, Wilhelm not only adopted new stories from other contemporary collections (e.g., Nos. 171-72 from Mecklenburg, Nos. 181 and 186 from Oberlausitz, Nos. 184-85 and 188-89 from Bavaria); he also replaced weak texts with better narrated variants of the same tales, which accordingly appeared under new titles (e.g., No. 101 "Der Bärenhäuter" instead of "Der Teufel Grünrock," No. 107 "Die beiden Wanderer" instead of "Die Krähen," No. 136 "Der Eisenhans" instead of "De wilde Mann," etc.).
Simultaneously Wilhelm further honed the texts stylistically from edition to edition. The opening lines of "The Frog King" (No. 1) serve as a good example. The first edition of 1812 reads:
Es war einmal eine Königstochter, die ging hinaus in den Wald und setzte sich an einen kühlen Brunnen. Sie hatte eine goldene Kugel, die war ihr liebstes Spielwerk, die warf sie in die Höhe und fing sie wieder in der Luft und hatte ihre Lust daran.
(Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1812 und 1815 1: 1)
Once upon a time there was a king's daughter who went into the forest and sat down at a cool well. She had a golden ball that was her favorite toy. She would throw it up and catch it in the air and was amused by this.
The second edition of 1819 already shows distinct changes, which aim at greater concreteness:
Es war einmal eine Königstochter, die wuszte nicht was sie anfangen sollte vor langer Weile. Da nahm sie eine goldene Kugel, womit sie schon oft gespielt hatte und ging hinaus in den Wald. Mitten in dem Wald aber war ein reiner, kühler Brunnen, dabei seizte sie sich nieder, warf die Kugel in die Höhe, fing sie wieder, und das war ihr so ein Spielwerk.
(Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1819 1: 9)
Once upon a time there was a king's daughter who was so bored she didn't know what to do. So she took a golden ball that she often played with and went into the forest. Now in the middle of the forest there was a clear, cool well and she sat down next to it, threw the ball into the air, and she would play this way.
In the last edition edited by Wilhelm from 1857, the scene has been so thoroughly painted that it can nearly stand alone:
In den alten Zeiten, wo das Wünschen noch geholfen hat, lebte ein König, dessen Töchter waren alle schön, aber die jüngste war so schön, dasz die Sonne selber, die doch so vieles gesehen hat, sich verwunderte, sooft sie ihr ins Gesicht schien. Nahe bei dem Schlosse des Königs lag ein groszer dunkler Wald, und in dem Walde unter einer alten Linde war ein Brunnen; wenn nun der Tag recht heisz war, so ging das Königskind hinaus in den Wald und setzte sich an den Rand des kühlen Brunnens; und wenn sie Langeweile hatte, so nahm sie eine goldene Kugel, warf sie in die Höhe und fing siewieder; und das war ihr liebstes Spielwerk.
(Kinder- und Hausmärchen: Ausgabe letzter Hand 1: 29)
In olden times, when wishing still helped, there lived a king whose daughters were all beautiful, but the youngest was so beautiful that the sun itself, which had seen so many things, was always filled with amazement each time it cast its rays upon her face. Now, there was a great dark forest near the king's castle, and in this forest, beneath an old linden tree, was a well. Whenever the days were very hot, the king's daughter would go into the forest and sit down by the edge of the cool well. If she became bored, she would take her golden ball, throw it into the air, and catch it. More than anything else she loved playing with this ball.
(Trans. in Zipes 2)
The Grimm fairy-tale style is fully developed here. But what also clearly emerges is Wilhelm's manner and art of narration, which seek--in this case to the extreme--to plumb the fairy-tale events down to their very details. One can respond to the result in two ways--by lamenting the loss of the folktale's simplicity, or by welcoming the poetic enrichment.11 In any case, these examples clearly demonstrate the growth of an aesthetically oriented attitude.
The orientation towards fairy tales as linguistic-artistic survivals is certainly also one of the reasons that the Grimms did not turn their attention more closely to those who told these fairy tales. Moreover, in viewing folk literature as natural poetry (Naturpoesie), the Grimms were inclined to view their informants less as individual storytellers than as oral sources. If they nonetheless described their best storyteller in the preface to the second volume, that was done largely from this very perspective. Dorothea Viehmann, a "peasant woman" who told "genuine Hessian tales," as the preface claims (in reality she was a tailor's wife from a Huguenot family), corresponded to the Grimms' image of an ideal tale teller from the simple folk, among whom they expected to find the guardians of the oral storytelling tradition: "Devotion to tradition is far stronger among people who always adhere to the same way of life than we (who tend to want to change) can understand" (Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1812 und 1815 2: V-VI; trans. in Tatar 212). Also in the letters of the Haxthausen family there is talk of trips into the surrounding villages "to gather from the mouths of the old rural population the tales, folk songs, and children's songs that still live" (Schoof 38, 74, 81, 95). However, we know little about storytellers who came from the working classes of the population. On the other hand, the fact that Grimms' informants belonged above all to the educated classes and to the aristocracy does not at all mean that their tales reflect principally the tradition as it existed in these social circles. Yet vast areas of oral folktale tradition remained inevitably unknown to the Grimms; and vulgar stories, which even then made up a large part of the popular tradition, were very likely consciously overlooked in the course of collecting. Consequently, on the basis of sources alone, the popular tradition is only partially represented in Grimms' collection--even if one takes into account that the repertoire of oral tales established in the middle-class homes of Kassel or among the Haxthausens depended largely on the folk tradition or found its motifs reflected in it.12
The Brothers Grimm themselves apparently did not consider this manner of transmission to be a shortcoming. Already in the preface to the first volume we find the idea that although fairy tales are "never fixed and always changing from one region to another, from one teller to another, they still preserve a stable core" (Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1812 und 1815 1: XIII; trans. in Tatar 208). In this respect the Grimms saw all their informants as well as themselves as links in a chain of storytellers, each having a certain right to retell the tales in his or her own way. At the same time, whenever faced with several versions of the same tale, Wilhelm endeavored in each case to give the best one in terms of content and narrative. And when he thought it possible to expand or to "improve" this version with another transmission, he would do it--convinced that in this way the "genuine" folktale could be reconstructed. In doing so--as the 1856 volume of annotations attests--he had no inhibitions about blending texts from Hesse, Westphalia, and Mecklenburg, or from an older written tradition and recent oral tradition. He was concerned above all with a text's inner coherence and the completeness of individual motifs. Further revision focused on conforming the tale's content to childlike understanding, portraying the tale's characters (they were supposed to be as vivid as possible), and attempting to animate the depictions through direct speech, linguistic expressions, verses, and so forth (Ginschel 215-17). All this spoke to a concern already expressed in the second volume of the first edition: "The aim of our collection was not just to serve the cause of the history of poetry: it was also our intention that the poetry living in it be effective" (Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1812 und 1815 2: XIII; trans. in Tatar 214). Through his textual revisions, however, Wilhelm--despite all his efforts to reconstruct the "genuine" voice of the folk--increasingly endowed the fairy tales with a poetic art form of his own making. In other words, the Grimms' original striving to record the oral tradition was gradually replaced (at least from our contemporary perspective) by literary principles: "Despite loving fidelity towards the folk tradition, the Brothers Grimm created from it a work of literature" (Berendsohn 26).
Consequently, the final edition of 1857 can be used only in a limited way if one seeks to discover clues in the tales' content that point to their origin in the contemporary folk tradition. This edition contains in large measure very beautiful fairy tales, which are by the same token Grimms' own versions and in which some elements of social criticism have been deleted in order not to offend the groups of readers the Grimms were addressing. For example, in the first published version of the tale "Godfather Death" (1812, No. 44), the poor man answers the "good Lord" with these words: "'I don't want you to be godfather! You give to the rich and let the poor go hungry.' With that he left him standing there and went on" (Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1812 und 1815 1: 193). In later editions, however, this commentary follows: "The man said that because he did not know how wisely God distributes wealth and poverty" (Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1819 1: 153; trans. in Zipes 161). With that interpolation, the original message of this passage is fundamentally changed and turned into its opposite (Steinitz). On the other hand, a tale such as "The Tablecloth, the Knapsack, the Cannon Hat, and the Horn" (1812, No. 37), which was told to the Grimms by the retired dragoon Johann Friedrich Krause and in which the king and his royal household are ultimately massacred, was replaced in the second edition by a variant in which the same events are even more drastically depicted (No. 54).
To be sure, the tales printed in the first edition, which were repeatedly recorded at the beginning of the nineteenth century, clearly reveal that it was primarily young women of the bourgeoisie and aristocracy who supplied the Grimms with these stories. Their tales, especially those like "Cinderella" (No. 21), "Brier Rose" (No. 50), and "Snow White" (No. 53), which are favorites among later generations of children, depict the fate of young girls, whose lives are miraculously fulfilled through love for a prince. But in the case of the tailor's wife Dorothea Viehmann, it is not only an outstanding storyteller who speaks, but also a representative of the simple folk. One needs only to read her tale "The Clever Farmer's Daughter" (1815, No. 8),13 whose plot is embedded in critical depictions of the social milieu that show the feudal lords' oppression of peasants. Here, as in Viehmann's tale of the battle of the animals (1815, No. 16),14 the victory of the weak over the strong is painted with obvious engagement. And it is hardly coincidental that the impoverished old dragoon Krause should tell the tale of the faithful dog Old Sultan, whose master threatens to destroy him in his old age now that his useful days are over (1812, No. 48). So the Grimms' collection does contain features in which one can recognize directly the views of the oppressed, the "voice of the folk." And in some cases these traces survive even into the last edition of 1857.
In sum: With a remarkable feel for the nature of folk literature, the Brothers Grimm collected as much of the oral narrative tradition and documented it as "faithfully" and as comprehensively as was possible for them under the existing conditions. The Kinder- und Hausmärchen became a world-wide success "because here for the first time significant national and international traditions of the intellectual culture from the broadest spectrum of the folk appeared elevated to the level and clothed in the language of 'belles lettres,' without their content or message having been decisively altered" (Geschichte der deutschen Volksdichtung 90).
What distinguished the Grimm collection most clearly of all from its precursors was the wealth and diversity of the tales it presented.15 Even the first edition of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen of 1812-15 included nearly the complete stock of tale types that have been found subsequent to the Grimms in the folk traditions of the various German regions. That makes the Grimms' collection even to this day the book of German fairy tales. And the brothers were not content just to reproduce the texts; in the volumes of commentary published both in 1822 and 1856,16 they also attempted to place each fairy tale, comical tale (Schwank), and legend in the context of German and non-German oral narrative traditions. From these volumes of commentary and the important work of Bolte and Polívka that they generated, there runs a straight line to the tale type and motif indices as well as to the comparative oral narrative research of recent decades.17 In this respect the Brothers Grimm can be regarded without question as the fathers of international folktale research. Even much of what they documented, as it were, in passing has had a stimulating effect. For example, the brief characterization of Dorothea Viehmann in the second volume of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen in 1815 became the starting point for world-wide narrator research (Dégh, Märchen 47-65; Lüthi 83-105).
But above all, ever since the Grimms folktales have been collected in nearly all regions of the earth. And for this purpose collectors have increasingly made use of tape recordings, which capture the exact wording of a spoken narration. Modern folk narrative research demands unconditional authenticity in recording from informants, whereas this was still not possible for the Grimms. Yet in their work one observes at least the demand for authenticity--for instance, in Jacob's Circular of 1815, where he writes: "It is above all important that these objects be recorded faithfully and accurately, without make-up or accessories, from the mouths of the tellers, when feasible in and with their very own words, with the greatest exactitude and detail; and whatever might be gotten in the living regional dialect would therefore be doubly valuable, although even sketchy fragments are not to be rejected." Whoever follows these principles in collecting oral materials circulating today is still well advised. Of course, narrative research is no longer just interested in the narrated material itself, but also in the narrator and audience, in the context and motivation of the narrative event, and in the role of storytelling in the intellectual and cultural life of people today.18 In this respect we have achieved so far only limited results that--in the distant wake of the Grimms--urgently need further study and elaboration.19
Whoever conducts oral narrative research today--especially in German-speaking regions--will repeatedly hear tales, particularly fairy tales, that directly or indirectly go back to the Grimms' collection. In those instances, good storytellers--even when they use dialect to retell what they have read--strive to stay as close as possible to the published model. For it is generally expected of contemporary storytellers to retell fairy tales "properly"--that is, in the "Grimm version." But one can readily observe that storytellers of an impulsive or imaginative nature, despite their acknowledged debt to this source, break away from the original and endow the Grimms' tales with innovations in content and a different linguistic guise.20 In both cases we are faced with the distinct reverse influence of the Grimms' collection on the oral folktale itself--in other words, the reception of Grimms' tales by the oral tradition. This is a phenomenon that deserves the special attention of scholars of oral narrative.21
1. Denecke 63-87; Woeller, "Die Bedeutung der Brüder Grimm"; and Bolte and Polívka. See also the bibliographical references that follow.
2. This is the case even though the folkloric content of the collection has been critically examined for years. See, for example, Schoof; Karl Schmidt; Woeller, "Der soziale Gehalt"; and Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen: Ausgabe letzter Hand.
3. See Briggs; Gaspariková; Horák; Leitinger; Michaelis-Jena; Niscov; Ortutay; Peeters; Pomeranceva; Pulmer; Leopold Schmidt; Ziel, "A.N. Afanas'evs Märchensammlung"; Ziel, "Wirkungen."
4. On the intellectual and ideological development of the Brothers Grimm, see Stern 4-14.
5. See Jahn; Arnold; and Benz.
6. Jacob's letter of 28 Jan. 1813 to Arnim (Steig, Achim von Arnim und Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm 271).
7. Jacob's letter of 18 Feb. 1860 to Franz Pfeiffer ("Zur Geschichte der deutschen Philologie" 249).
8. An itemized and somewhat original overview of the generic diversity is given by Berendsohn 33-127.
9. Lemmer 107-16; Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1819 2: 536; and Ginschel 230-31.
10. Here again twenty-nine contributions came from the Haxthausens and eighteen from Dorothea Viehmann.
11. See, respectively, Panzer 1: xlii-xlvii; and Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen: 1819 2: 570.
12. See the overview of Grimm's contributors and informants compiled by Heinz Rölleke in Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen: Ausgabe letzter Hand 3: 559-74.
13. In the second and subsequent editions this tale appeared, with few changes, as No. 94.
14. In the second and subsequent editions this tale appeared, with few changes, as No. 102.
15. See Wesselski; and Neumann, Es war einmal.
16. The 1856 volume is vol. 3 of Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen: Ausgabe letzter Hand.
17. See the monographs published in the series Folklore Fellows Communications; and the progressively appearing volumes of the Enzyklopädie des Märchens. English-speaking readers can find more information about this important latter work in Uther.
18. See Strobach et al. 5-26; and Neumann, "Volkserzählung heute."
19. For the former German Democratic Republic see Neumann, "Volkserzähler unserer Tage in Mecklenburg"; Ein mecklenburgischer Volkserzähler; Eine mecklenburgische Märchenfrau; "Mecklenburgische Erzähler"; as well as Eichler.
20. See Neumann, Eine mecklenburgische Märchenfrau 31-40.
21. See Ranke; Dégh, "Grimm Brothers"; and Neumann, Mecklenburgische Volksmärchen 35.
From The Reception of Grimms' Fairy Tales: Responses, Reactions, Revisions, ed. Donald Haase (Detroit: Wayne State UP, 1993) 24-40. Reprinted by permission of the publisher. This essay is based on the author's articles "Zur Entstehung und zum Charakter der Grimmschen 'Kinder- und Hausmärchen': Bemerkungen aus volkskundlicher Sicht," Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm: Vorträge anläszlich der 200. Wiederkehr ihrer Geburtstage, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR: Gesellschaftswissenschaften, 1985, 6/G (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1986) 55-64; and "Die Brüder Grimm als Sammler und Herausgeber deutscher Volksmärchen," Die Brüder Grimm: Beiträge zu ihrem Schaffen, ed. Kreisheimatmuseum Haldensleben and Die Stadt-und Bezirksbibliothek "Wilhelm Weitling" (Magdeburg: Druckhaus Haldensleben, 1988) 36-45. Translated by Donald Haase.
Altdänische Heldenlieder, Balladen und Märchen. Trans. Wilhelm Grimm. Heidelberg: Mohr und Zimmer, 1811.
Arnold, Günter. "Herders Projekt einer Märchensammlung." Jahrbuch für Volkskunde und Kulturgeschichte 27 (1984): 99-106.
Benz, Richard. Märchen-Dichtung der Romantiker: Mil einer Vorgeschichte. Gotha: Perthes, 1908.
Berendsohn, Walter A. Grundformen volkstümlicher Erzählerkunst in den Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm. Hamburg: Gente, 1921.
Bolte, Johannes, and Georg Polívka. Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm. 5 vols. Leipzig: Dieterich, 1913-32.
Briggs, Katharine M. "The Influence of the Brothers Grimm in England." Brüder Grimm Gedenken 1 (1963): 511-24.
Dégh, Linda. Märchen, Erzähler und Erzählgemeinschaft. Trans. Johanna Till. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1962.
------. "What Did the Grimm Brothers Give to and Take from the Folk?" The Brothers Grimm and Folktale. Ed. James M. McGlathery. Urbana: U of Illinois P, 1988. 66-90.
Denecke, Ludwig. Jacob Grimm und sein Bruder Wilheim. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1971.
Eichter, Ingrid. Sächsische Märchen und Geschichten--erzählt von Otto Vogel. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1971.
Enzyklopädie des Märchens. Ed. Kurt Ranke. Vols. 1 ff. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1975-.
Folklore Fellows Communications. Vols. 1 ff. Helsinki: Soumalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1910-.
Fraenger, Wilhelm, and Wolfgang Steinitz, eds. Jacob Grimm zur 100. Wiederkehr seines Todestages: Festschrift des Instituts für deutsche Volkskunde. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1963.
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